——那文人如何“相轻”呢？“各以所长，相轻所短“，就是说文人们总是用自己擅长的，来攻击别人不擅长的，以此来显示出自己比较”厉害“。一阵见血。曹丕还用了一个比喻，“家有弊帚，享之千金”，意思是说文人哪怕家里只有一把破扫帚，但只要别人没有，那么就认为这把破扫帚价值千金。后来人们还据此创造了一个成语“敝帚自珍”。
大约五、六年级的时候，大多数人都会学到一首曹植的《七步诗》：
煮豆燃豆萁，豆在釜中泣，
本是同根生，相煎何太急。
但准确地说，这首诗并非曹植所作，而是罗贯中写在《三国演义》中的桥段。
书里写道，曹丕登临大位之后，谋臣华歆献计“子建怀才抱智，终非池中物；若不早除，必为后患。”于是曹丕把曹植叫到堂上来，让他在七步之内作诗一首，如果能做出来，则免一死；若不能，则从重治罪。
曹植当即在七步之内作了一首命题诗《两肉》：
两肉齐道行，头上带凹骨。
相遇块山下，郯起相搪突。
二敌不俱刚，一肉卧土窟。
非是力不如，盛气不泄毕。
但曹丕仍然不罢休，说七步写一首诗，仍然觉得太慢了。又让曹植作一首以“兄弟”为主题的“应声诗”，也就是曹植需要跟着节奏吟诗一首。曹植甚至没有思考，当即口占一首，便是上文所说的《七步诗》。
所以后来在语文教材里，这首诗被命名为“七步诗”，其实有点牵强了。如果说“七步诗”，其实应该是那首《两肉》，如果是脱口而出的口占，便是这首“煮豆”。
那么这首“煮豆”诗，是否就是曹植写的呢？
也不是，最早《世说新语》记载，曹丕妒忌弟弟曹植的才学，命曹植在七步之内作出一首诗，否则曹植将被处死。曹植没走到七步，便吟出《七步诗》：
煮豆持作羹，漉豉以为汁，
萁在釜下燃，豆在釜中泣，
本是同根生，相煎何太急？
可见《三国演义》中的“七步诗”，其实是把《世说新语》中的“六句诗”改成了“四句诗”。但无论是《三国演义》还是《世说新语》，其实都属于小说，也就是并没有太大的史实依据说曹植真的被曹丕强迫在七步之内写诗，至少《三国志》是没有记载的。那以这个故事而被广为流传的“曹丕嫉妒曹植的才华”这件事，可能也得被打上一个问号了。
公元226年6月29日，魏文帝曹丕去世。今天我们聊聊曹丕。
中国的文学史，“三曹”是和“三苏”并列的存在，前者指的是曹操、曹丕、曹植，后者指的是苏洵、苏轼、苏辙。
由此可见，曹丕的文学素养也可以在中国文学史中占据一定地位。曹丕最善于描写男女爱情和游子思妇，比如这首《见挽船士兄弟辞别诗》：
郁郁河边树，青青野田草。
舍我故乡客，将适万里道。
妻子牵衣袂，抆泪沾怀抱。
还附幼童子，顾托兄与嫂。
辞诀未及终，严驾一何早。
负笮引文舟，饱渴常不饱。
谁令尔贫贱，咨嗟何所道。
第一章：立嗣之争
公元187年冬，曹丕生于沛国谯县，也就是今天的安徽亳州。《三国志》记载，“有云气青色而圜如车盖当其上，终日，望气者以为至贵之证，非人臣之气。”意思是说，曹丕出生的时候，天上出现青色的云彩，形状如车盖，望见祥云的人都以为曹丕将来肯定不仅仅是一个臣子。但其实这段，用大白话翻译，就是曹丕出生在一个阴雨天，天上乌云密布。至于观者据此认为，曹丕“非人臣”的命相，当然是后来的史学家陈寿的溢美之词。
5岁时，曹操认为当下时局混乱，需要有武术傍身。于是派人教授曹丕各种武术。曹丕六岁会射箭，八岁能骑马，十岁便开始跟着曹操南征北战。他写的《于玄武陂作诗》、《至广陵于马上作》、《清河作诗》、《孟津诗》、《于明津作诗》、《于谯作诗》、《黎阳作》组诗等等，大多在此期完成。
217年，曹操已经62岁，但仍然没有立嗣。
曹操共有25个儿子，但实际上能有继承大位资格的只有几个。古代中国讲求血统，所以一般是“嫡长子继承制”，也就是元配/正室所生的长子拥有第一继承权。
曹操的元配是丁夫人，但没给曹操生儿子，反倒是她的侍女刘夫人给曹操生了两个儿子一个女儿。两个儿子分别是曹昂和曹铄。因为刘夫人早逝，所以丁夫人把他们当作养子抚养。按照地位来说，曹昂拥有第一继承权。
但197年，曹操强行收纳张绣族叔张济的遗孀邹氏为姬妾，使张绣感到恼恨，于是张绣在贾诩的建议下，突然造反，奇袭曹操，打得曹操措手不及。这一战，曹操损失了大将典韦和长子曹昂。于是第一继承权就落到了曹铄头上。
可是在曹昂死后，丁夫人因为曹昂之死而痛恨曹操，认为是曹操害死了曹昂。这倒是实话，不过曹操不这么认为，他肯定觉得是张绣小题大作，图谋不轨。从后来曹操和张绣又打了两年仗可以看出来。但丁夫人不管，就把曹昂的死归咎在曹操身上，跑回老家。曹操几次去丁家劝说都没用，于是曹操便立了卞夫人做正室。
卞夫人就是曹丕的亲生母亲。于是曹丕就成了第一继承人。
但曹操仍然很犹豫，最主要的是当时曹操“挟天子以令诸侯”，大权在握。对于一个拥有无限权力的人来说，规则，不过是桌上的一盘菜，什么时候想吃，什么时候不想吃，取决于拿筷子的这个人。“嫡长子继承制”当然也是这盘菜。
曹操最早中意的有四个人，曹昂、曹丕、曹植、曹冲。
但197年曹昂战死，208年曹冲又因病去世，曹操能选择的就是曹丕和曹植。两个人都是卞夫人所生。长期的不立嗣，在古代是政治大忌。于是曹操的下属分成了两个阵营，贾诩、司马懿等人支持曹丕；杨修、丁仪等人支持曹植。
但最终曹植因为“文人”的傲气，还是输给了曹丕。
第二章：登临大位
曹丕与曹植的这段争夺“太子”之位的过程，被后人描绘成了曹丕对曹植才华的“嫉妒”。
但权力斗争，从来都不是“个人品德”的争执。近的如清朝的“九子夺嫡”，远的如战国时期的“骊姬之乱”，就连跟曹丕同时代的三国时期，也有发生在孙权儿子们之间的“二宫之争”。无论哪一场斗争，最终都是你死我活。而身在皇宫的旁人们呢，无非只有一种选择，便是“选边站队”，最终结局也必然是跟着“主子”一荣俱荣、一损俱损。
倘若曹丕真的只因曹植的才华而嫉妒他，那可真是跟历史开了个玩笑。
曹植的拥护者之一杨修，当时担任曹操的主簿，这个职位在古代大多是管理印章、起草文书的。但也因此，可以想见杨秀跟曹操其实关系很密切，所有军事、政治上的事情都需要文书来发行，所有命令也都需要盖章来生效。因此前期的曹植，是占据了先机的。杨修可以将曹操的一切行动都报告给曹植，曹植也可以根据曹操的行动表达自己的支持。
214年，曹植被封为临菑侯。这次册封仪式，曹操的儿子们中只有曹植被册封。
但曹丕这边的谋士也不笨，自然是知道如何攻击曹植的短处的。
曹植有两个点不及曹丕。
其一是曹植表面文章过多。曹操本来欣赏曹植的才情，但才情既需“有才”也需“有情”。当初曹植因为一篇《铜雀台赋》让曹操大为震惊，自己的儿子竟然如此了解自己。但到了曹操又一次东征时，曹植的《东征赋》却让曹操犹豫了。
因为另一边的曹丕，伏在曹操的车架上痛哭。你可以想象这样的画面，一个人高声地念唱赞歌，另一个人泣不成声地表达不舍。旁人看到，都认为曹植“华而不实”。
其二是曹植有“文人傲气”。文人嘛，书看的多，懂的就多，长久如此便会有自己的一套思维体系。即使一直看同样书录的两个人，最终都可能因为不同的思考角度而产生争执。那同为“三曹”之一，曹操和曹植又怎么会思想完全一致呢？有次曹操问曹植，如何评价汉高祖刘邦和光武帝刘秀。曹植一改大家“高举刘邦、贬低刘秀”的观念，写了篇《汉二祖优劣论》，赞扬刘秀。刘秀光复汉朝，是继承者；刘邦推翻秦朝，是开创者。由此可见，曹操其实虽然一直没有登基称帝，但内心并不倾向于继承汉朝的“遗产”。
而曹丕呢，在政治上几乎不会表达跟曹操任何相反的意见，更加隐忍。
争夺“皇位”嘛，既是能力的较量，也是极力展现“完美”的表演。或许平庸代表着能力不出众，但平庸也意味着“无过错”，哪个帝王不希望自己的基业能够万年长青呢？所以宁愿选一个“无过错”的子孙继承，也不会赌一把选一个“有想法”的子孙继承。
220年，曹操去世，曹丕继任魏王。但隐忍的曹丕，一上任便展现了自己的政治野心。他不甘心继续做一个“汉臣”，同年年底，便逼迫汉献帝退位，自己登基称帝。汉朝从此被曹魏代替，历史也正式进入三国时代。
第三章：治国无才
但曹丕执政七年，似乎没有太多建树。
他期望继承曹操统一天下的志向，但两次讨伐吴国都以失败告终。而且因为曹丕的滥兵用战，大兴土木，反倒让曹操时期最擅长的“屯兵”策略失效，魏国竟处于曹操得势到司马篡权期间兵力最少的时期。
他期望复兴儒教，恢复正统。于是他重视文教，重用儒家文人为官，有了后来的“举孝廉”和“九品中正制”。以道德来评价人，以“口碑”来任用官员。但如此不能“量化”的评价标准，如何能够评定一个官员的政绩呢？试问各位，如果自己掌握权力，是推选旁人还是推选自己人呢？为了推选编造一些“道德”的高光，又有多难呢？后来魏晋时期，阶级固化也是来源于此。
他吸取汉朝外戚干政、宦官专权的教训，限制宦官、外戚权力。这个措施保证了曹魏始终没有因为宦官、外戚干政造成政治危机，但另一方面曹丕曹叡父子却过于依赖内臣司马懿，日后司马懿发动高平陵之变，司马家掌握曹魏大权，其孙司马炎更是代魏建晋。
继承大位之后，必然是削藩。毕竟藩王在血统上也是曹氏家族，日后如果有异心，起兵造反还有个正当理由。所以，皇帝上位，先把原来的功臣、勇将权力剥夺一遍，并不稀奇。后来的赵匡胤“杯酒释兵权”便是这个道理。曹丕时期，藩王的封地时常变更，也没有治权和兵权，并且曹丕在每个藩王周围安插许多自己的眼线，严格监视他们的一举一动。但到了后来，司马家篡权的时，曹氏、夏侯氏宗亲势单力薄，竟然无力阻止。要知道，曹操有25个儿子，夏侯家也是一直跟随曹操征战天下，且多猛将。如此的家族势力，阻拦不了一个司马氏，可见对身边人的疑心最终也会导致皇位的丢失。
所以，你说曹丕究竟是能人还是庸人？
说他庸人吧，但他从10岁开始跟随曹操南征北战，建立功勋，却在曹操先后钟爱曹昂、曹冲、曹植的情况下，最终能够取得嗣位；说他能人吧，但他上位之后，除了逼迫汉献帝退位，成为曹魏第一任皇帝之外，政治、军事上便再无其他建树。
不知道曹操知道后来这段史实时，在地下是否瞑目。
第四章：文学理论
曹操喜爱把“有妇之夫”纳为妾室，曹丕喜爱以“妇女口吻”写诗作赋。在这点上，曹丕和曹操倒是血脉传承。
曹丕诗歌中最有名的代表作《燕歌行》，写于曹操北征三郡乌桓期间，采用乐府体裁，开创性地以句句用韵的七言诗形式写作，是现存最早最完整的七言诗。而整篇《燕歌行》，曹丕都是以“思妇”的口吻在念唱的。
节选一段，大家可以品品：“群燕辞归鹄南翔，念君客游思断肠。慊慊思归恋故乡，君何淹留寄他方？贱妾茕茕守空房。忧来思君不敢忘，不觉泪下沾衣裳。”你能想象这是将来取代汉室自立为帝的曹丕写出来的吗？
但曹丕大多数诗，都是这样的口吻。他站在妻子每天盼望丈夫早日归来的角度，反映东汉末年战乱流离的现状。如此说来，曹丕倒是中国比较早的具有“反战思维”的人了。但事实上的曹丕却有些好战的，三次亲征东吴便是例证。
但这种矛盾，曹丕也有自己的解释。儒家讲”诗言志“，所以写诗作文总是要表达点什么东西的。但曹丕在《典论·论文》中却说“奏议宜雅，书论宜理，铭诔尚实，诗赋欲丽”，不同的文章体裁作用不一样，不必要所有的写作都要讲求“言志”，这是文学最早的“平等思想”。
我时常看到论坛上有推送“我的这首诗写的怎么样”的问题，然后下面一通指责作者“哗众取宠”、“空洞无物”、“无病呻吟”的评论。但没有人规定，自己写作还需要表达思想。即便是单纯的“欲丽”——炫耀文笔，也是一种文章。
这在汉赋中极其常见。如果你熟悉“三曹”特别是曹植的赋文的华，你会看到《扇赋》、《宝刀赋》、《蝙蝠赋》、《蝉赋》等等这样的赋文。没错，他们就是字面意思上在用各种华丽的字、句描写某种事物。或许你会认为这样是“华而不实”、“空洞无物”。但谁说这样的文章就不是文章呢？即使汉赋中有名的《子虚赋》、《上林赋》、《二京赋》等等，其中绝大多数字、句也都是堆砌的辞藻修饰。
所以啊，写文章，自己高兴就好。如果真要有个目的，表达什么，这样固然好；但没有目的，就是单纯地写，写出来的也是文章。
曹丕的这本《典论、论文》是中国最早的文学评论。他在文中除了说写作有丰富的自由度之外，还有几个有价值的观点。
其一是对当时的几位有名的文人孔融、陈琳、王粲、徐干、阮瑀、应玚、刘桢的文风评价，后人以此总结出了“建安七子”的称号。整个东汉末年的建安文学，几乎便是“建安七子”加上”三曹“。
其二是提出“文以气为主，气之清浊有体，不可力强而致”。用现代的话解释，就是从一个人的文章中能看出这个人的气质，一个人的气质又决定了他的文章风格。
其三是肯定文学的历史价值。建安以前，文学受儒家经学束缚，并没有独立地位。盛极一时的汉赋，也只落了一个“童子雕虫篆刻”或是“辞赋小道，固未足以揄扬大义。”然而，曹丕却说：“盖文章，经国之大业，不朽之盛事。”据此，曹丕号召作家努力改变目前这种“贫贱则慑于饥寒，富贵则流于逸乐”的精神状态，培养自己具有一种超功利的审美心态。特别是这句“年寿有时而尽，荣乐止乎其身，二者必至之常期，未若文章之无穷，”写的极妙。
其四是调侃了一把文人。文章开篇便说“文人相轻，自古而然”。
那文人为什么“相轻”呢？“善于自见，而文非一体，鲜能备善”，就是说因为文人们总是沉迷于自己的见解，但任何人都不是通才，所以总是各有所长。
那文人如何“相轻”呢？“各以所长，相轻所短“，就是说文人们总是用自己擅长的，来攻击别人不擅长的，以此来显示出自己比较”厉害“。一阵见血。曹丕还用了一个比喻，“家有弊帚，享之千金”，意思是说文人哪怕家里只有一把破扫帚，但只要别人没有，那么就认为这把破扫帚价值千金。后来人们还据此创造了一个成语“敝帚自珍”。
政治、军事上的“庸才”曹丕，在文学上竟开创了“文学批评”的先河。
所以，你说曹丕究竟是能人还是庸人呢？
说他能人吧，但后人对曹丕的文学成就评价却越来越低，从南北朝时刘勰主张，曹丕是上品，曹植是中品，曹操是下品；到唐宋时，曹操被提到上品；再到近代史学家黎东方在评论三国时代文学成就时，竟略过了曹丕。即使今天，如果对曹丕感兴趣的话，或许大多数人也不知道曹丕有什么作品流传于世。
说他庸人吧，但他从诗歌赋文，样样擅长，甚至给后来的文学批评理论创造了许多金句。
不知道曹丕死后，是否还相信他说的“未若文章之无穷”。
（如有兴趣，可自行翻阅英文版）
People Are Immortal Because of Their Articles: Cao Pi
Around the fifth or sixth grade, most people learn Cao Zhi's "Poem on Walking Seven Steps":
Beans are boiled with stalks afire,
In the pot, they weep and tire.
Born from the same root, we see,
Why must we haste to destroy thee?
However, to be accurate, this poem wasn't actually written by Cao Zhi but was instead a scene crafted by Luo Guanzhong in "Romance of the Three Kingdoms."
The story goes that after Cao Pi ascended to power, his advisor Hua Xin suggested, "Zijian (Cao Zhi) is talented and intelligent, and not someone who will remain under your control. If you don't eliminate him early, he will become a future threat." Hence, Cao Pi summoned Cao Zhi and commanded him to compose a poem within seven steps. If he succeeded, his life would be spared; if not, he would face severe punishment.
Cao Zhi immediately composed the poem "Two Bodies" within seven steps:
Two bodies walk the same path,
One with a dented bone's wrath.
They meet beneath the mountain’s span,
And clash in conflict, man to man.
One falls, the other stands supreme,
Not from strength, but pride's regime.
The victor’s might was not the key,
But relentless spirit and decree.But Cao Pi was still not satisfied, claiming that composing a poem in seven steps was too slow. He then demanded that Cao Zhi compose a spontaneous poem on the theme of "brothers." Without thinking, Cao Zhi immediately recited the poem mentioned above, now known as "Poem on Walking Seven Steps."
So, in language textbooks, this poem is often referred to as "Seven Steps Poem," which is somewhat inaccurate. If we talk about a "Seven Steps Poem," it should be "Two Bodies," and if we talk about a spontaneous composition, it would be the "Boiling Beans" poem.
But did Cao Zhi actually write this "Boiling Beans" poem?
Not exactly. According to the earliest record in "A New Account of the Tales of the World," Cao Pi was jealous of his brother Cao Zhi's talent and ordered him to compose a poem within seven steps or face death. Cao Zhi had not even taken seven steps before he recited:
Beans are boiled to make a stew,
Soy paste strained for a rich brew.
The stalks beneath the pot do burn,
The beans within the pot do yearn.
Born of the same root, thus we,
Why in such haste to harm me?
It shows that the "Seven Steps Poem" in "Romance of the Three Kingdoms" was adapted from the six-line poem in "A New Account of the Tales of the World" into a four-line poem. However, both "Romance of the Three Kingdoms" and "A New Account of the Tales of the World" are novels, lacking substantial historical evidence that Cao Zhi was actually forced by Cao Pi to compose a poem within seven steps. At least, there's no record of this in "Records of the Three Kingdoms." Therefore, the widely circulated story of Cao Pi's jealousy of Cao Zhi's talent might also be questionable.
On June 29, 226 AD, Cao Pi, Emperor Wen of Wei, passed away. Today, let's talk about Cao Pi.
In Chinese literary history, "The Three Caos" are as renowned as "The Three Sus." The former refers to Cao Cao, Cao Pi, and Cao Zhi, while the latter refers to Su Xun, Su Shi, and Su Zhe. This comparison indicates that Cao Pi's literary talent holds a significant place in Chinese literary history. Cao Pi excelled in depicting romantic love and the sentiments of travelers and their yearning wives, as exemplified in his poem "Farewell to Brothers on a Returning Boat":
By the river, lush trees grow,
In the wild fields, green grass shows.
Leaving home, the boat tracker sets apart,
To distant lands, thousands of miles depart.
Leaning on his mother, the child clutches his father's sleeve,
Tears wiped away, they embrace and grieve.
Holding his youngest near,
He turns to his brother and sister-in-law, making his plea.
Farewells not done,
Early carts come to hurry him along.
Pulling the boat with bamboo ropes,
He is often hungry and thirsty, without hopes.
Who's to blame for your poverty's ties?
To this question, he answer with only sighs.
Chapter One: The Struggle for Succession
In the winter of 187 AD, Cao Pi was born in Qiao County, Peiguo, which is today's Bozhou in Anhui Province. According to the Records of the Three Kingdoms, "A cloud of blue color appeared in the sky, shaped like a canopy, and remained there all day. Those who observed it considered it an omen of great nobility, beyond that of a mere subject." This description, in plain language, means that Cao Pi was born on a cloudy and rainy day, with dark clouds covering the sky. The belief that this signified Cao Pi's extraordinary destiny was likely an embellishment by later historian Chen Shou.
At the age of five, Cao Cao decided that the turbulent times necessitated martial skills. Thus, he arranged for Cao Pi to learn various martial arts. By the age of six, Cao Pi could shoot arrows, at eight he could ride a horse, and by ten, he was following Cao Cao on military campaigns. Many of his poems, such as "Poem Composed at Xuanwu Pond," "Poem Written on Horseback to Guangling," "Poem Composed at Qinghe," "Poem Written at Mengjin," "Poem Composed at Mingjin," "Poem Written at Qiao," and "Poem Composed at Liyang," were completed during this period.
By 217 AD, Cao Cao was 62 years old but had still not designated an heir. Cao Cao had 25 sons, but only a few were eligible to succeed him. In ancient China, bloodline was crucial, typically following the "primogeniture system," where the eldest son of the primary wife had the first right to inherit.
Cao Cao's primary wife was Lady Ding, but she bore him no sons. Instead, her maid, Lady Liu, bore Cao Cao two sons and a daughter. The two sons were Cao Ang and Cao Shuo. After Lady Liu's early death, Lady Ding raised them as her own, making Cao Ang the primary heir by status.
However, in 197 AD, Cao Cao forcibly took Lady Zou, the widow of Zhang Ji, as a concubine, enraging Zhang Xiu. Following Jia Xu's advice, Zhang Xiu revolted and launched a surprise attack on Cao Cao, catching him off guard. In this battle, Cao Cao lost his general Dian Wei and his eldest son Cao Ang. Consequently, the primary heir position passed to Cao Shuo.
After Cao Ang's death, Lady Ding resented Cao Cao, blaming him for their son's death, which was indeed true. However, Cao Cao didn't see it that way; he likely thought Zhang Xiu had overreacted. Lady Ding, holding Cao Cao accountable, returned to her hometown despite Cao Cao's attempts to reconcile. As a result, Cao Cao elevated Lady Bian to primary wife.
Lady Bian was Cao Pi's biological mother, thus making Cao Pi the primary heir. Yet, Cao Cao remained hesitant, primarily because he "held the emperor hostage to command the warlords," wielding immense power. For someone with limitless authority, rules were mere tools at their disposal, to be used or discarded as they saw fit. The "primogeniture system" was just one of those tools.
Initially, Cao Cao favored four candidates: Cao Ang, Cao Pi, Cao Zhi, and Cao Chong. However, with Cao Ang killed in battle in 197 AD and Cao Chong succumbing to illness in 208 AD, Cao Cao's choices were narrowed to Cao Pi and Cao Zhi, both sons of Lady Bian. Prolonged indecision on succession was a political taboo in ancient times, splitting Cao Cao's subordinates into two factions: Jia Xu and Sima Yi supported Cao Pi, while Yang Xiu and Ding Yi supported Cao Zhi.
In the end, Cao Zhi's "literary arrogance" led to his defeat by Cao Pi.
Chapter Two: Ascending the Throne
The struggle between Cao Pi and Cao Zhi for the title of Crown Prince has often been portrayed by later generations as Cao Pi’s jealousy of Cao Zhi’s talent. However, power struggles are never merely about “personal virtues.” Consider the “Nine Lords’ War of Succession” in the Qing Dynasty, or the “Riot of Li Ji” during the Warring States period. Even in the Three Kingdoms era, concurrent with Cao Pi’s time, there was the “Struggle of the Two Palaces” among Sun Quan’s sons. No matter the conflict, the outcome was always a matter of life and death. Those in the palace had only one choice: to pick a side, with their ultimate fate tied to the fortunes of their chosen “master.”
If Cao Pi were truly just jealous of Cao Zhi’s talent, it would indeed be a distortion of history. One of Cao Zhi’s supporters, Yang Xiu, served as Cao Cao’s Chief Secretary, a position primarily responsible for managing seals and drafting documents. This close relationship with Cao Cao meant that Yang Xiu was privy to all military and political matters, giving Cao Zhi an early advantage. Yang Xiu could report all of Cao Cao’s actions to Cao Zhi, who could then express his support accordingly.
In 214 AD, Cao Zhi was conferred the title of Marquis of Linzi. During this ceremony, Cao Zhi was the only one among Cao Cao’s sons to be honored. However, Cao Pi’s advisors were not foolish and knew how to exploit Cao Zhi’s weaknesses.
Cao Zhi had two significant disadvantages compared to Cao Pi.
First, Cao Zhi’s contributions were often more literary than practical. Cao Cao initially admired Cao Zhi’s talent, which required both “ability” and “emotion.” Cao Zhi’s composition of “Rhapsody on the Bronze Bird Terrace” had greatly impressed Cao Cao, as it showed deep understanding of his father. However, Cao Zhi’s subsequent “Rhapsody on the Eastern Expedition” caused Cao Cao to hesitate. On one hand, Cao Pi, in contrast, was weeping bitterly while leaning on Cao Cao’s carriage. This created a stark image: one son loudly reciting praises, while the other sobbed inconsolably. Observers concluded that Cao Zhi was “all show and no substance.”
Second, Cao Zhi possessed a “scholarly arrogance.” Scholars, having read extensively and understood much, tend to develop their own systems of thought. Even two people reading the same texts might ultimately disagree due to differing perspectives. As one of the “Three Caos,” Cao Zhi’s thoughts would naturally diverge from Cao Cao’s. Once, Cao Cao asked Cao Zhi for his opinion on Han Gaozu Liu Bang and Emperor Guangwu Liu Xiu. Contrary to the prevailing view that exalted Liu Bang and belittled Liu Xiu, Cao Zhi praised Liu Xiu in his essay “On the Merits and Flaws of the Two Han Emperors.” He argued that Liu Xiu, who restored the Han Dynasty, was a successor, while Liu Bang, who overthrew the Qin Dynasty, was a founder. This indicated that although Cao Cao had not declared himself emperor, he was not inclined to inherit the Han legacy.
Cao Pi, on the other hand, rarely expressed political views contrary to Cao Cao’s and was more restrained. The struggle for the throne was as much about showcasing “perfection” as it was about demonstrating capability. Mediocrity might signify a lack of outstanding ability, but it also implied “faultlessness.” Which emperor wouldn’t prefer a faultless heir to ensure the longevity of their dynasty? Thus, a ruler might choose a “faultless” successor over a “visionary” one.
In 220 AD, Cao Cao passed away, and Cao Pi succeeded him as the King of Wei. However, the restrained Cao Pi quickly revealed his political ambition. Unwilling to remain a “Han subject,” he forced Emperor Xian of Han to abdicate by the end of the year, declaring himself emperor. The Han Dynasty was thus replaced by the Cao Wei, marking the official beginning of the Three Kingdoms period.
Chapter Three: Lacking in Governance
Cao Pi ruled for seven years, yet his achievements were sparse. He aspired to unify the realm as his father, Cao Cao, had envisioned, but his two campaigns against the state of Wu ended in failure. Moreover, due to his excessive use of troops and extensive construction projects, the Wei state's once-effective military settlement strategy from Cao Cao's era became ineffective. During Cao Pi's reign, Wei's military strength was at its lowest point, bridging the gap between Cao Cao’s dominance and the Sima family's eventual usurpation.
He sought to revive Confucianism and restore orthodoxy by emphasizing education and appointing Confucian scholars to official positions, resulting in systems like the “Recommendation of Filial and Incorrupt” and the “Nine-rank System.” Evaluating officials based on morality and reputation, however, posed a problem: how could such subjective standards accurately measure an official’s performance? If one held power, would one choose someone based on merit or personal connections? Fabricating “moral” highlights for promotion purposes would not be difficult. This approach later contributed to the rigid class structure of the Wei-Jin period.
Drawing lessons from the Han Dynasty’s issues with eunuchs and consorts wielding power, Cao Pi restricted their influence. While this measure ensured that Cao Wei did not suffer political crises from eunuch or consort interference, it led to an over-reliance on internal ministers like Sima Yi by both Cao Pi and his son Cao Rui. This dependency allowed Sima Yi to launch the coup at Gaoping Tombs, seizing power for the Sima family, and ultimately, his grandson Sima Yan established the Jin Dynasty, replacing Wei.
Inheriting the throne often meant weakening the power of the princes. Despite being of the same Cao bloodline, they could pose a legitimate threat if they rebelled. Hence, it was not unusual for emperors to strip the original meritorious officials and generals of their power. Later, Zhao Kuangyin’s “wine cup to release military power” exemplified this approach. During Cao Pi's reign, the fiefdoms of the princes were frequently altered, leaving them without administrative or military authority. Additionally, Cao Pi placed numerous spies around each prince, closely monitoring their actions. However, when the Sima family usurped power, the Cao and Xiahou clans were too weak to resist. This was despite Cao Cao having twenty-five sons and the Xiahou family being loyal, formidable warriors who had fought alongside Cao Cao. The fact that such a powerful family could not thwart the Sima clan indicates that excessive suspicion of one’s kin could ultimately lead to the loss of the throne.
So, was Cao Pi a capable leader or an inept one? If deemed inept, it is worth noting that he followed Cao Cao on military campaigns from the age of ten, building merits and eventually securing the succession despite Cao Cao's previous favoritism towards Cao Ang, Cao Chong, and Cao Zhi. Yet, if considered capable, after forcing Emperor Xian of Han to abdicate and becoming the first emperor of Cao Wei, he made no significant political or military achievements.
One can only wonder if Cao Cao could rest in peace knowing how history unfolded.
Chapter Four: Literary Theory
Cao Cao loved to take other men’s wives as concubines, while Cao Pi enjoyed writing poems from a woman's perspective. In this regard, Cao Pi truly inherited his father's traits.
Cao Pi's most famous poem, "Song of Yan" (燕歌行), was composed during Cao Cao’s campaign against the Wuhuan tribes in the northern regions. Written in the form of a seven-character poem, it is considered the earliest and most complete seven-character poem in existence. Throughout "Song of Yan," Cao Pi adopts the voice of a yearning wife. A passage reads:
"The swallows have flown with wild geese to south,
Thinking of you traveling outside, my heart aches.
Emptiness in heart, you may long for your hometown.
But why do you linger in other places for so long?
Alone I wait in this empty abode,
With sorrow I ponder, unable to erode.
Unnoticed tears dampen my attire's fold."
Could you imagine that this was written by Cao Pi, who would later replace the Han Dynasty and proclaim himself emperor?
Most of Cao Pi’s poems take this tone, reflecting the plight of wives yearning for their husbands to return from the chaos of the late Eastern Han Dynasty. This perspective makes Cao Pi one of the earliest Chinese poets with anti-war sentiments. Yet ironically, Cao Pi was somewhat warlike, as evidenced by his three personal campaigns against Eastern Wu.
Cao Pi had his own explanation for this contradiction. Confucianism emphasizes that poetry should express one's aspirations, but in his treatise "On Literature" (典论·论文), he asserted that different types of writing serve different purposes. He stated, "Memorials should be elegant, discourses should be rational, inscriptions should be realistic, and poetry should aim to be beautiful." He proposed that not all writing needs to express one’s aspirations, marking an early form of literary egalitarianism. Today, many people critique poems for being shallow or overly sentimental, but Cao Pi argued that even purely ornamental writing has its place. This view was prevalent in Han fu (rhapsody), where elaborate descriptions of various objects were common. If you are familiar with the writings of the "Three Caos," especially Cao Zhi, you will find examples like "Rhapsody on the Fan," "Rhapsody on the Precious Sword," "Rhapsody on the Bat," and "Rhapsody on the Cicada." They were indeed written with intricate descriptions of these objects, and even though some may deem them "empty," such writings are still considered legitimate literature.
So, when writing, if you are content, that is enough. If you have a purpose and something to express, that’s great; if not, simply writing for the sake of beauty is equally valid.
Cao Pi's "On Literature" is China’s earliest known work of literary criticism. In addition to advocating for the freedom of literary expression, he made several valuable points:
Evaluation of Contemporary Writers: He appraised the styles of renowned writers like Kong Rong, Chen Lin, Wang Can, Xu Gan, Ruan Yu, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen, which led to the later designation of the "Seven Scholars of Jian’an" (建安七子). The literature of the late Eastern Han Dynasty was essentially represented by these seven scholars and the "Three Caos."
Literary Quality and Character: He asserted, "Literature is driven by character, and its quality cannot be forced." This means that one’s writing reflects their character, and their character influences their writing style.
Historical Value of Literature: Before the Jian’an era, literature was subordinate to Confucian classics and lacked independent status. While Han rhapsodies were seen as trivial or mere decorative art, Cao Pi argued, "Literature is a grand undertaking of the state, an everlasting achievement." He urged writers to cultivate a disinterested aesthetic attitude rather than succumbing to materialistic desires. His famous statement, "Life has its limits, but literature is infinite," is particularly profound.
Satirical Observations: At the beginning of his essay, he remarked, "Writers have always looked down on each other," explaining that this happens because writers are deeply engrossed in their own perspectives and are seldom all-rounded. Consequently, they tend to belittle others based on their own strengths. He likened this to "Even a shabby broom is cherished if it’s your own," giving rise to the proverb "Cherish one's old broom."
Though Cao Pi may be seen as mediocre in politics and military matters, he was a pioneer in literary criticism.
So, was Cao Pi a capable leader or a mediocre one? If we consider him capable, it’s noteworthy that evaluations of his literary achievements have declined over time. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Liu Xie ranked Cao Pi as superior, Cao Zhi as intermediate, and Cao Cao as inferior. By the Tang and Song dynasties, Cao Cao was elevated to the highest rank. In modern times, historian Li Dongfang even omitted Cao Pi in his assessments of the Three Kingdoms period’s literary contributions. Many today might be unaware of any surviving works by Cao Pi.
If we consider him mediocre, we must acknowledge that he excelled in poetry and rhapsody and laid the groundwork for future literary criticism with many insightful observations.
One wonders if, after his death, Cao Pi still believed in the immortality of literature he once praised.